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Outlook
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As
this year's session of Congress nears adjournment this week,
Republicans are claiming victory with the likely passage of an omnibus
appropriations bill roughly meeting President
George W. Bush's
spending limits. It contains money for the Iraq War and apparently is
free of Democratic conditions. Clearly, the Democratic leadership did
not want to risk a government shutdown. It's yet more proof that
Democrats are unwilling to take bold action on Iraq.
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However, conservative Republican leaders -- led by Senators
Tom Coburn
(R-Okla.) and
Jim DeMint
(R-S.C.) -- would have preferred a continuing resolution (CR) that did
not contain any new earmarks. But the Senate appropriators -- led by
Senate Minority Leader
Mitch McConnell
(R-Ky.) with lots of earmarks for his re-election campaign -- insisted
on an omnibus bill that would include 12,000 new earmarks. The
reformers, getting no support from the White House, feel the GOP has
missed a golden opportunity to re-brand itself as the party of fiscal
integrity.
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President Bush and the Republican minority in Congress showed, as the
session ended, that they are still capable of
stopping tax
increases. The energy bill could not be passed until
the tax component was removed, and the alternative minimum tax (AMT)
patch could not be passed with a big tax hike (on equity funds and
hedge funds) to offset the "tax cut." Even a small tax increase, much
less major tax revision, will have to await a bigger Senate Democratic
majority and a Democratic President.
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The
conflict over the CIA's destruction of interrogation tapes will take a
break for Christmas and then return in earnest early next year.
Republicans are just as concerned as Democrats over the CIA's acting
as an autonomous government and feel President Bush made a major
mistake in refusing to let agency officials testify.
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In
the Republican presidential race, on an upswing are former Arkansas
Gov. Mike
Huckabee -- still is an unlikely nominee -- and Sen.
John McCain
(Ariz.) -- still in a low position. Former New York Mayor
Rudy Giuliani
is slipping, and former Massachusetts Gov.
Mitt Romney
is holding even. Iowa and New Hampshire are vital for Romney. If he
wins both, he probably will be nominated. If he loses both, he is
surely gone. If he splits them, he is still in the ball game. McCain
needs a win in New Hampshire. Giuliani may be able to survive if he
loses in both and Romney does not win both. Thompson still has shown
little to recommend him, but he could make a late surge in Iowa.
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In
the Democratic presidential race, Sen.
Hillary Clinton
(N.Y.) will be nominated if she wins Iowa and follows it with a
probable win in New Hampshire. Nobody is sure how much a loss in Iowa
would hurt her. She will not drop as far and as fast as
Howard Dean
did, but an Iowa defeat would have consequences. Sen.
Barack Obama
(Ill.) will have a huge upside if he could string together Iowa and
New Hampshire wins. Former Sen.
John Edwards
(N.C.) has to win one of them just to stay alive.
Special
Iowa Report
With the Iowa caucuses on January 3, Senior Reporter
Tim Carney
travelled through Iowa last week to watch the candidates, speak to
voters and meet with local activists. Here is his report:
Overview:
Throughout the state, the constant was Democrats optimistic with
Republicans lukewarm or afraid.
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In
both parties, about half the voters are undecided, but the indecision
in the Republican Party is of a different nature than that among
Democrats.
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While not quite choosing the least of nine evils, most Iowa
Republicans interviewed feel they are making compromises in whichever
candidate they end up picking. The top candidates have downsides on
policy -- former Massachusetts Gov.
Mitt Romney
is seen as a flip-flopper, former New York Mayor
Rudy Giuliani
is socially liberal and former Arkansas Gov.
Mike Huckabee
believes in big government -- and electability: Romney's Mormonism,
Giuliani's marriages and Huckabee's lack of funds and overt
religiosity.
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Democratic voters, by contrast, are happy with their whole top tier.
Many Iowans torn among New York Sen.
Hillary Clinton,
Illinois Sen.
Barack Obama
and former North Carolina Sen.
John Edwards -- or two of those three -- feel they are
trying to decide among good choices. While some will choose on
electability, many Democrats expressed confidence that whomever they
nominate will win in November.
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Democratic candidates' rallies were more upbeat and better attended. A
clear contrast was the crowd in Johnston outside last Wednesday's
Republican debate compared to that outside the Democrats' debate the
next day. The Republicans had nowhere near the energy and enthusiasm
of the Democrats, whose rally resembled a Big Ten pep rally.
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While there was some enthusiasm about some Republican candidates, the
closest thing to a real motivation was the prospect of stopping
another President Clinton. If she is not the nominee, the GOP ennui on
display in Iowa this month could very likely persist through to
November.
Republicans:
Huckabee's lead in the polls hardly assures a victory, and this race
could change dramatically in the next three weeks.
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The
"X factor" in this race is former Sen.
Fred Thompson
(Tenn.). Most Iowa Republicans did not even mention his name in
discussing candidates they supported or opposed. He simply does not
register in the minds of potential GOP caucus-goers, but when asked
about him, voters have little negative to say.
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Thompson has far more upside potential than any other Republican, and
he is spending the entire final stretch in the Hawkeye State. Thompson
has perhaps the most broadly conservative record of any candidate
besides the three congressmen (see
below). Many conservative Iowans currently settling for Romney,
Giuliani or Huckabee (or planning a protest vote of sorts for one of
the congressmen) could certainly jump on board with Thompson. If he
defies his reputation as a lazy worker, he could make a spectacular
surge here.
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Huckabee's high poll numbers and big leads do not guarantee a victory.
He has nowhere near the campaign team, organization or money of
runner-up Romney. As media scrutiny is finally arriving, he could be
in trouble. Still, he is likable, and his openness about his
Christianity plays very well among some blocs in the GOP.
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Many Iowa Republicans like Huckabee because he comes across as
genuine, especially in comparison to Romney. This is soft support that
could bail to Thompson if he rises or to another candidate if
Huckabee's negatives continue to surface.
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Immigration is a big issue for Iowa Republicans, and Huckabee's
support of state-subsidized education for illegal immigrants hurts
him. His big-government record turns off some voters but is not a
factor for some of his core supporters.
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Huckabee's dig at Mormons in Sunday's New York Times magazine has
turned off some Republican voters as dirty, bigoted or just
politically dumb. This is the sort of thing that could bring him down.
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Romney, like Giuliani, can afford to lose Iowa, but he still might
win. His poll numbers have held steady amid Huckabee's rise, and a
late Romney collapse seems unlikely. Iowa Republicans who back him
generally see him as the most electable conservative (in contrast to
Giuliani). His healthcare mandate in Massachusetts turns off some
conservatives but appeals to some older Republicans who see it as a
legislative triumph in a Democratic environment. Romney's success in
business and the Olympics also appeals to potential caucus-goers.
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Many Iowa Republicans who like Romney, however, consider him a general
election liability, either because of his Mormonism or because of his
record of flip-flopping. Interestingly, the flip-flops on abortion and
other issues don't directly turn off many GOP voters.
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Giuliani has some appeal in Iowa, though not much. His personal life
-- his three marriages, publicly funded trysts -- combined with his
New York brashness hurt him here in the Heartland. His support for
legalized abortion is definitely a net drag, although Iowa Republicans
are hardly uniformly pro-life.
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Giuliani's main virtue in the eyes of Iowans is his perceived
electability. Some see him as the best chance to "beat Hillary." His
particularly hawkish tone does not appeal too much here, as most
Republicans do not put foreign policy at the top of their priorities.
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The
three congressmen running for President are broadly understood to be
the most conservative, but not electable candidates. Representative
Duncan
Hunter (Calif.) has the respect of many Republican
voters in a state where his brand of protectionism has some cachet.
Rep. Tom
Tancredo (Colo.) appeals to Iowa voters' deep
apprehension about illegal immigration.
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Rep. Ron
Paul (Tex.) continues to amaze on many levels, and he
had finally started to register on the polls. In last Tuesday's
Midwestern ice storm, almost every Iowa event was cancelled. The
exception was a Paul rally, which drew hundreds. His crowds are
regularly huge and enthusiastic. He chalked up another record
fundraising day on Sunday's anniversary of the Boston Tea Party, with
more than $6 million in online donations in a single day.
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This battle will hinge on Thompson's performance down the stretch. If
he excels, he could draw down Huckabee's support significantly, and
maybe Romney's, too. If Thompson is as uninspired as he has been to
date, Huckabee will probably win.
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The
most likely result at this point appears to be a slight Thompson surge
at Huckabee's expense, leaving Romney in first place and either
Thompson or Huckabee in second.
Leaning Romney.
Republican Debate:
The Des Moines
Register Republican debate was something of a dud (thanks,
mostly to the moderator), which is not bad for the front runners.
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Huckabee
continued to walk the compassionate conservative line, but was more
compassionate than conservative. Early on, he hit conservative themes,
but he consistently worked in his populist message. He railed against
high taxes and regulation, but that was his only attempt to reach out
to economic conservatives. He made mildly protectionist promises on
trade, and he couched his proposals to limit energy use and emissions
in Christian ideas of stewardship.
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Romney,
meanwhile, had a forgettable performance, basically refraining from
attacking Huckabee. He made no mistakes, though, and that is what he
needs to do at this point.
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The
highlight of the debate was
Thompson's
refusal to go along with a show of hands on the question of
catastrophic man-made global warming. It was the first time Thompson
has shown any real fire, and it could be the beginning of a surge.
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Giuliani
and Arizona Sen.
John McCain
both delivered strong performances, but nobody in this debate made a
big impression. McCain's dig at ethanol suggested he, like Giuliani,
is playing for New Hampshire.
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Of
the minor candidates,
Tancredo
was the most impressive, hitting the conservative note on every issue,
and not focusing strictly on immigration. Paul continued to hammer
away at inflation and monetary policy, which is a distraction from the
issues that could resonate with the Republican electorate.
Democrats:
The Democratic field is in flux, but the primary movement seems be a
slow fall for Sen.
Hillary Clinton
(N.Y.) and a possible surge for former Sen.
John Edwards
(N.C.). Sen.
Barack Obama (Ill.) is the legitimate front-runner.
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Obama
is ahead in most, but not all, Iowa polls. While certainly not
guaranteed victory, he is the favorite. He is an expert at melding his
attacks on the Bush Administration and big business into a positive
message. For many Democratic voters, he represents the change they
feel Washington needs.
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While charismatic, Obama raises some questions. Many Iowa Democrats
are unsure of his views on issues, and his inexperience could
certainly make his current supporters think twice in the voting booth.
Every four years, there is some candidate who is supposed to bring out
young voters, and it never pans out. Obama could be this year's
Howard Dean.
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Edwards
has the greatest upside potential of the Democratic candidates. He is
the one Democrat who really brings voters to their feet, and his
anti-big business posture resonates with many Democrats. He inherits a
strong base of support from his 2004 second-place Iowa finish, plus he
is the only one in this field who has done this before. On the
strength of being the most popular second-choice candidate, Edwards
could possibly win the caucuses or at least finish a close second.
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Clinton
can take some comfort in continued strong showings in Iowa polls,
sometimes coming in first. But her momentum is going the wrong way,
and her negatives are high among potential caucus-goers. She's not a
strong second choice for supporters of second-tier candidates or
undecided voters.
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Many Iowa Democrats see Clinton as a continuation of divisive and
dirty Washington politics. She is also perceived as too cozy with
lobbyists and big business. She could certainly find herself in third
place.
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While many Republicans are ready to delve into the second tier on
their side, Democrats are basically sticking to their top three. New
Mexico Gov.
Bill Richardson and Senators
Joe Biden
(Del.) and
Chris Dodd (Conn.) don't look likely to make big
impacts in Iowa, and will likely be non-viable in many precincts.
Democratic Debate:
The Democratic debate was more lively and interesting than the
Republican debate, but it did not shake up the race much. It did,
however, reveal some of the candidates' strategies.
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Obama
continued to blend his message of hope and optimism with his ceaseless
attack on the Bush Administration. Of the top-tier candidates, Obama
took the most shots at the President, looking for attack opportunities
in every question. He expertly softens the blow with his upbeat tone
and speeches about hope.
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For
Edwards,
the prime enemy was not the White House, but corporate America.
"Corporate power and greed" was his refrain, and each of his first
three answers hit on that theme. This angle allows him not only to
attack Republicans, but to contrast himself to Clinton, whom some
Democratic voters see as being too cozy with lobbyists.
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Clinton,
on the other hand, spent the first hour staying positive, even when
speaking about the Bush Administration. As usual, she focused on her
husband's administration (but, interestingly, spoke about the "1990s"
instead of the "Clinton Administration"). Despite her positive script,
Hillary has trouble coming across as upbeat as Obama does. She spent
the last hour attacking Bush.
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Richardson
continued to behave like a candidate for Vice President or secretary
of State by praising the Bill Clinton years and avoiding anything
resembling a criticism of his opponents.
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Dodd
and Biden
had strong performances, but not enough to break out of the lower
tier.
Non-presidential:
Times are bad for the Republican Party in Iowa.
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The
general ennui that shows itself in the presidential race persists
throughout most levels of government. A bad year in 2006 will be
followed by another bad year in 2008.
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Sen. Tom
Harkin (D) has typically been a top target of the GOP,
thanks to his arch-liberal voting record and his tendency to fly off
the handle. This year, however, he will coast to re-election without a
serious challenge.
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Representatives
Bruce Braley
(D) and Dave
Loebsack (D), who both won Republican districts last
year, are not drawing serious challengers this year. For incumbent
congressmen, the first re-election is usually the toughest, and so
their free pass this year suggests they should be safe at least until
redistricting in 2012. Only three Iowa incumbent congressmen have lost
re-election in four decades.
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Rep. Leonard
Boswell (D), typically a GOP target, also looks likely
to cruise to re-election. This means an Iowa delegation that was
four-to-one Republican since 1994 will be majority Democrat for a
while.
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As
in many states, Hawkeye State Republicans are hoping 2006 was a
one-time occurrence rather than a trend. The state GOP hopes to gain
seats in the state senate and possibly win back the state house.
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